Special series – The Clubs Behind Uzbekistan’s World Cup Dream

As Uzbekistan plays in its first-ever FIFA World Cup after a historic qualification campaign, Novastan looks at the clubs that shaped the country’s football identity. From Soviet-era Pakhtakor Tashkent to regional powerhouses such as Nasaf Qarshi, Navbahor Namangan and Neftchi Fergana, this series explores how club football helped build the foundations of the White Wolves’ rise.

In 2008, Uzbek football briefly became one of the strangest stories in the global game. A young Tashkent club, only three years old, claimed it was close to signing Samuel Eto’o from Barcelona, actually signed Rivaldo, hired Zico, and then brought in Luiz Felipe Scolari, Brazil’s 2002 World Cup-winning coach. Its name was Bunyodkor, meaning “creator” or “builder”, and for a few years it seemed to offer a new idea: that Uzbek football could force its way into international visibility through money, infrastructure and famous names.

Bunyodkor is unlike the other clubs in this series. Pakhtakor Tashkent carries Soviet memory and national tragedy. Nasaf Qarshi represents regional achievement and Asian success. Navbahor Namangan embodies popular passion in the Fergana Valley. Neftchi Fergana recalls the early years of independent Uzbek football. Bunyodkor belongs to a different category. It was not an old community club or a regional football institution. It was a project: fast, ambitious, spectacular and deeply tied to the political economy of late Karimov-era Uzbekistan.

The club was founded on 6 July 2005 as Neftgazmontaj-Quruvchi, usually shortened to Kuruvchi, meaning “builder”. The name reflected its origins in construction and energy-linked structures. In 2008, after rapid sporting success, the club was renamed Bunyodkor. The new name, often translated as “creator” or “builder”, suited its self-image. This was a club built quickly, with the aim of doing quickly what most football institutions take decades to achieve.

Its rise was immediate. After starting in the lower divisions, Bunyodkor moved rapidly through Uzbek football. It finished second in the 2007 Uzbek League, then won the championship in 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011 and 2013. It also won the Uzbek Cup four times, in 2008, 2010, 2012 and 2013, and the Uzbek Super Cup in 2014. In less than a decade, it became one of the most decorated clubs of independent Uzbek football.

Also read on Novastan: Uzbekistan at the World Cup: The White Wolves Enter the Global Stage

But domestic success alone was not what made Bunyodkor famous. The turning point came in 2008, when the club tried to place itself in the global football conversation. The first episode was Samuel Eto’o. Kuruvchi publicly claimed that it had signed the Barcelona striker on a short-term contract. Eto’o travelled to Tashkent and gave a skills session, but the transfer never happened. Barcelona denied that a completed deal existed, and Eto’o remained in Europe. The episode mattered less because Eto’o played for the club – he did not – than because it showed Bunyodkor’s new method: using global football names to make the world look at Tashkent.

Rivaldo was different. He actually came. In August 2008, the Brazilian World Cup winner and former Ballon d’Or winner left AEK Athens for Bunyodkor. Reports described the contract as one of the most lucrative ever offered by a Central Asian club. For an Uzbek club, this was extraordinary. Rivaldo’s arrival gave Bunyodkor instant global recognition. For the first time, a club from Uzbekistan was not being discussed only in Asian football circles, but in the international sports press.

His presence was more than symbolic. Rivaldo played for Bunyodkor between 2008 and 2010, scored regularly and became the club’s international face. He brought glamour, but also credibility. The idea of an Uzbek club employing a player who had won the World Cup with Brazil and starred for Barcelona would have sounded impossible only a few years earlier. Bunyodkor made it real.

Also read on Novastan: Pakhtakor Tashkent: The Club That Carries Uzbek Football’s Memory

The club then added another Brazilian legend, this time on the bench. Zico arrived as head coach in September 2008. His stay was brief, but successful. Under him, Bunyodkor won the Uzbek league and cup double and reached the semi-finals of the AFC Champions League. That continental run was important because it showed that the project was not only spectacle. Bunyodkor could also compete seriously in Asia.

In 2009, the club went further by appointing Luiz Felipe Scolari. Scolari had led Brazil to the 2002 World Cup and had recently left Chelsea. In Tashkent, he was reunited with Rivaldo, one of the stars of his World Cup-winning Brazil side. His contract was reported to make him one of the world’s best-paid football managers at the time. Bunyodkor’s domestic dominance continued, but the experiment did not last. Scolari left in 2010, less than a year into his contract, and Rivaldo also departed that year.

The money behind this period remains central to the story. Officially, Bunyodkor’s early sponsors were linked to construction and oil-gas structures, and later to state-linked companies such as Uztransgaz. During the Rivaldo and Scolari years, international reporting connected the club’s big-spending model to the opaque political economy of Karimov-era Uzbekistan, including companies and elite networks close to the presidential family. The precise ownership and financing arrangements were never fully transparent, and that opacity is part of the club’s history. Bunyodkor was not only a football club with rich sponsors; it was a product of a specific political moment, when energy money, elite business networks, international branding and football spectacle briefly came together.

When the money became less reliable, the illusion of unlimited ambition faded quickly. Rivaldo later pursued unpaid wages. Scolari left. Zeromax ran into serious trouble. Bunyodkor remained an important Uzbek club, but the era when it could plausibly attract Brazil’s biggest football names was over.

The club’s stadium tells a parallel story. Bunyodkor initially played at smaller Tashkent venues, including the MHSK and JAR stadiums. In 2012, the new Bunyodkor Stadium opened in Tashkent with a capacity of around 34,000 spectators. Later renamed Milliy Stadium, although the Bunyodkor name has remained closely associated with the venue, it became one of Uzbekistan’s main football arenas and an important home for the national team. The stadium gave the club a physical monument to its ambitions: modern, large and clearly designed to project national football confidence.

Bunyodkor’s nicknames also reveal how it wanted to be seen. The club is commonly known as Qaldirg‘ochlar, “the Swallows”, a nickname that gives it a more elegant and modern identity than the industrial or regional names of many older Uzbek clubs. It has also been called the “Asian Barcelona”, a label linked to the club’s attempted relationship with Barcelona, its Brazilian stars and its dream of becoming a stylish continental power. These labels matter because Bunyodkor was always more than a team on the pitch. It was also a brand, a projection of ambition and a claim that Uzbek football could belong in a wider global conversation.

Also read on Novastan: Nasaf Qarshi: the club that put Uzbek football on Asia’s map

Yet Bunyodkor’s fan identity is more complicated than that of clubs such as Navbahor or Neftchi. Navbahor has the emotional weight of Namangan. Neftchi has Fergana’s industrial memory and early independence dominance. Pakhtakor has generations of Soviet and post-Soviet supporters. Bunyodkor is younger and more constructed. Its fans are mostly Tashkent-based and linked to a newer football culture: urban, stadium-centred, and associated with the club’s years of success rather than with decades of inherited loyalty.

This does not mean the club lacks supporters. Bunyodkor’s rise, stars, stadium and trophies gave it visibility, especially among younger fans in Tashkent. But its supporter culture has never carried the same mythology as Pakhtakor’s tragedy, Navbahor’s packed stands in Namangan or Neftchi’s Sarkisyan-era memory. Bunyodkor’s fan base is a product of modern Uzbek football: newer, more media-driven, and shaped by success, branding and academy football.

The club’s place in popular culture is also different. Pakhtakor has been celebrated in songs and public memory. Navbahor’s culture lives strongly through supporters, fan pages and stadium chants. For Bunyodkor, there does not appear to be a clearly documented famous pop song comparable to Pakhtakor’s songs by well-known Uzbek performers. Its pop-cultural footprint comes instead from spectacle: the astonishing arrival of Rivaldo, the Eto’o episode, Scolari in Tashkent, the “Asian Barcelona” label, and the image of a club that briefly made Uzbekistan visible in global football gossip.

That may be Bunyodkor’s most distinctive cultural role. It did not enter Uzbek popular culture mainly through music or folklore. It entered it through headlines. For a few years, the club made people ask: how could Rivaldo be in Tashkent? Could Eto’o really come? Why was Scolari coaching in Uzbekistan? Bunyodkor became a football story that sounded almost unreal, and that unreality was part of its appeal.

Also read on Novastan: Discussions sur le développement du football féminin au Kazakhstan

There were also real footballers behind the spectacle. Mirjalol Qosimov, one of Uzbekistan’s great football figures, coached the club before and after the Brazilian era and helped give it a domestic football identity. Server Djeparov, one of the best Uzbek players of his generation and a two-time Asian Footballer of the Year, played for Bunyodkor. Rivaldo brought global fame, but players like Qosimov and Djeparov connected the club to Uzbek football’s own hierarchy of talent and authority.

Bunyodkor also became part of the careers of players who now define Uzbekistan’s World Cup generation. Eldor Shomurodov played for Bunyodkor from 2015 to 2017 before moving to Rostov in Russia, the transfer that opened the path to Serie A and later to his role as Uzbekistan’s captain. Abdukodir Khusanov, now one of the most internationally visible Uzbek players after his move to Manchester City, also passed through Bunyodkor’s academy before leaving for Belarus and then moving through Lens to English football. In this sense, Bunyodkor’s future may be more important than its past glamour: not as a club that buys stars, but as a club that helps produce them.

This is where the hope for the future lies. Bunyodkor is unlikely to repeat the Rivaldo-Scolari moment. That period belonged to a specific political and financial environment that no longer exists in the same form. But the club still has assets that matter: a recognised name, a major stadium environment, an academy tradition, experience in Asian competitions and a place in the capital’s football ecosystem. If it builds from youth development rather than spectacle, Bunyodkor can remain important to Uzbek football in a more sustainable way.

The club’s recent position suggests a more modest but potentially healthier phase. It is no longer the overwhelming force of 2008-2013, and it no longer looks like a club trying to buy global attention. But that may not be a weakness. Bunyodkor’s next chapter could be less glamorous and more useful: developing young players, competing domestically, returning to Asian relevance and contributing to the national team’s talent pipeline.

That would also change the meaning of its name. “Bunyodkor” means builder. In the late 2000s, the club tried to build international prestige from the top down, with money, names and spectacle. In the future, it may have to build differently: from academy fields, coaching structures, scouting and patience.

This is why Bunyodkor belongs in a series about the clubs behind Uzbekistan’s World Cup dream. Not because it is the deepest-rooted club in the country, and not because its big-money years offer a model to copy. It matters because it shows one of the boldest and most contradictory experiments in Uzbek football history. It brought global attention to Tashkent. It produced real trophies. It reached the AFC Champions League semi-finals. It revealed the risks of opaque money and prestige politics. And, through players such as Shomurodov and Khusanov, it still connects to the generation carrying Uzbekistan onto the World Cup stage.

Pakhtakor is memory. Nasaf is regional achievement. Navbahor is passion. Neftchi is early independence power. Bunyodkor is ambition – brilliant, excessive, fragile, and still unfinished.

Mathieu Lemoine, Editor-in-Chief for Novastan-English

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In the heart of the Chorsu Bazaar, located in the centre of Tashkent’s old town, passers-by can enjoy watermelons. Produced in abundance in Uzbekistan, the watermelon ranks among the country’s most popular fruits, alongside the melon. The quintessential summer fruit, we’ll have to wait a little longer before we can cool off with the refreshing taste of watermelon.

Credits : Daria Novikova (Uzbekistan, @dasha.novasha)

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With the arrival of spring, the square of the Hast Imam architectural ensemble in Tashkent transforms into a true kite festival. The wind lifts the vibrant kites, painting the sky in all the colors of the rainbow. Children from nearby mahallas come to compete, seeing whose kite will fly the highest and stay in the air the longest. Some are learning to fly a kite for the first time with their parents, while others simply come to admire the historic madrasahs and minarets, unexpectedly finding themselves in a celebration of childhood and freedom. Hast Imam is one of Tashkent’s most significant spiritual sites, home to the famous Quran of Uthman. But on weekends, the square comes alive not only with tourists and pilgrims—local families gather to enjoy the spring sunshine, while children eagerly send their colorful kites soaring into the cloudless sky.

Credits : Daria Novikova (Uzbekistan, @dasha.novasha)

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In Tashkent, Uzbekistan, strollers marvel at the lights and water displays offered by Magic City, in a very Western atmosphere.

Credits: Isabelle Vincent (France)

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In front of the Tashkent Circus, a charming equestrian portrait is improvised. Inaugurated in 1976, the building is recognisable by its dome, often compared to a UFO or a piala (Uzbek teapot), and was designed by architects Genrikh Aleksandrovich and Gennady Masyagin. It is now part of the Tashkent Modernism XX/XXI research and conservation project, supported by the Uzbekistan Art and Culture Foundation.

Credits : Grégoire Chesnot (France, @greg_che)

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The inner courtyard of the Kukeldash Madrasah in Tashkent appears in a pointed arch opening. Built around 1570 during the reign of the Shaybanid Khan Dervish Khan, it owes its name to its patron, a vizier nicknamed Kukeldash — ‘milk brother of the Khan’. It is the largest madrasa in the Uzbek capital. Initially converted into a caravanserai, it became a prison during the Tsarist era and was one of the few religious buildings to remain standing after the devastating earthquake of 1966, which destroyed around 80% of the city.

Credits : Martin Scheer (@martin.j.sc, Germany)

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Where history meets the present, the statue of Amir Temur stands proudly next to one of Tashkent’s most prominent landmarks, Hotel Uzbekistan.

This building is one of the best-known examples of brutalism in Central Asia, with its imposing architecture symbolizing the ambitious spirit of the Soviet era. Visitors to this area can feel the pulse of Tashkent’s dynamic blend of historical reverence and contemporary development.

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Credits: Matic Pavlin (@matic_pavlin, Slovenia)

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In Tashkent, even window grilles turn into cozy resting spots. Sometimes cats sit there, watching the world go by; other times, it’s children who spend time there. A bright floral kurpacha makes the space feel even warmer — a spot to enjoy slow summer days, wait for a friend, or simply watch the day unfold.

Credit: Daria Novikova (Uzbekistan, @dasha.novasha)

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Chorsu bazaar means ‘the four roads’, because this is where the region’s merchants gather to sell everything the country produces: dried and fresh fruit, vegetables and salads, cold meats, breads, honeys, ceramics, kurpacha and everything imported.

Credits : Daria Novikova (Uzbekistan, @dasha.novasha)

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During the Nowruz celebrations in Tashkent’s main parks, you can watch tightrope walkers, or darbozes. Their skills are passed down from generation to generation, with training starting at an early age. Historically, Uzbek tightrope walkers were not just artists, they also represented the human effort to overcome obstacles and reach new heights.

Crédit: Daria Novikova (Uzbekistan, @dasha.novasha)

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This picture is a part of a reportage about a wedding from Cecilia Ricchi.

The picture was taken in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan.

The bride’s veil is draw before she before another ceremonial part of the Uzbek wedding begins and she and her husband make the vows before the Imam.

Credits: Cecilia Ricchi (Italy)

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The facade of the Hotel Uzbekistan appears to be covered in gold under the sunset light. Hotel Uzbekistan is one of the most iconic landmarks of Tashkent and a perfect example of Soviet brutalism. Anyone can go up to the last floor and enjoy the view over the downtown skyscrapers, while sipping a cold drink at the bar.

Crédit: Simone Bergonzi (Italy, @simobergz)

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Amidst the smoke of grilling meat, an old man take a look at the lady behind him. Is she his wife? His Daughter? A stranger? We will never know. The food court of Chorsu bazaar is full of everyday life scenes like this one. At noon the stalls are packed. Tourists come here for a taste of traditional Uzbek cuisine, while locals stop by for a quick snack during their lunch break. (Tashkent, Uzbekistan)

Credits: Daria Novikova (Uzbekistan, @dasha.novasha)

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In any weather, kayaking or canoeing train on the Ankhor Canal in Tashkent all year round. Now in summer, groups from beginners to professional athletes can be seen in these waters especially in the morning.

Photographer: Madina A’zam (Uzbekistan)

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Around 30 participants gathered on 20 November the year before last to discuss facets of Central Asian urbanity as part of the online event “The Future of the Past – Urbanity in Central Asia: Tashkent and Bishkek”.This article was originally published on Novastan’s German website on December 15, 2020. Perspectives on the future, living in the past? This is the impression often given by the streets of Central Asian capitals. Alongside prefabricated concrete buildings in various states of disrepair are residential areas consisting of private houses organised around courtyards adorned with fruit trees, in which community life is organised according to traditional patriarchal rules. Standing out from these are extravagant futuristic buildings both from the past as well as the present. Around 30 participants gathered online on November 20, 2020 in order to discuss these facets of Central Asian urbanity. Moderated by Phillip Schroeder (Novastan; University of Göttingen), the two-hour event began with introductory lectures from Maria Petrova (TU Darmstadt) on Tashkent and David Leupold (Leibnitz-Zentrum Moderner Orient, Berlin) on Bishkek (The planned lecture by Kishimjan Osmonova from Berlin on Astana was unfortunately cancelled due to illness). Both speakers focused on the lasting impact of Soviet housing and construction projects, contrasting references to the past and the future, and their associated divisions and conflicts. These divisions differentiate apparent ‘backwardness’ from ‘modernity,’ and arose both because of state or public sector initiatives as well as the resistance of certain sections of society.

Many of the apartment buildings which still stand today date to the era of Nikita Khrushchev (1953-64). In contrast to the Stalin period, the Soviet government under Khrushchev focused on the consumption needs of its citizens. Both speakers agreed that this period was marked by the construction of many apartment buildings across the USSR, which allowed for a certain degree of homeliness. Rather unsightly, but often praised nostalgically, the so-called ‘Khrushchyovkas’ also serve as a material basis for normality in Central Asia, and for shared experiences and affections across national borders. They were, as David Leupold put it, “less a concrete nightmare of grey monotony or a monument to totalitarianism […] but rather a place for real interactions, intimacy, and also comfort.” Typically, they were arranged into ‘microraions’ (large housing estates) with neighbourhoods in which daily life was to be organised. The ‘Khrushchyovkas’ also integrated Central Asia into the Soviet Union architecturally, and replaced the short-lived, pompous neoclassical architecture typical of the Stalinist period. As a result, in Tashkent today both (old) private houses and “multi-storey living” (Maria Petrova) coexist – or even clash – side by side. Read more on Novastan: Kyrgyzstan: Poverty hides behind Bishkek’s smog

Building Soviet modernity

Through the neoclassicism of the Stalin period in Tashkent, as well as the reorganisation of Bishkek, Stalinist fantasies of absolute power were expressed architecturally. While Bishkek was laid out like a chessboard, Tashkent was touted to become the showcase capital of Central Asia, as Maria Petrova explained. The centrally planned construction projects, incorporating classically reworked elements of Oriental style, were accompanied by the demolition of the old town, which in the eyes of Soviet leaders symbolised the region’s alleged backwardness and local way of life. With the arrival of refugees during the Second World War this construction phase came to an end, as all resources were being sent to the front while the condition of local housing deteriorated. Alongside Stalinist neoclassicism, Khrushchev’s tower blocks, and the attempts to earthquake-proof Bishkek, Soviet visions of the future – visualised by David Leupold using propaganda comics – reveal Central Asian (capital) cities to be experimental spaces. These spaces allowed for the creation of a Soviet modernity; city planners were able to realise their ideas almost ex nihilo. The traces of these bygone Soviet visions can be found today, side-by-side with current modernist projects – sometimes even on top of one another, turning the city into a palimpsest. At the same time, it is evident that ‘the’ past became and remains a mobilising force: whether through the notion that the past is a void waiting to be filled, or that physical relics of the past need to be destroyed; or through the construction of roads or earthquake defences; or the evocation of the past to express an expectation for new infrastructure. Read more on Novastan: Uzbekistan: Total Eren’s solar plant fully funded

Looking to the present and future

Some present conflicts therefore seem to be a repetition of history, as Maria Petrova argues in the case of Tashkent. The fusion of economic and state actors (partly a result of corruption) makes it difficult to oppose new construction projects, which are driven forward without the participation of local residents. Political decisions – for example, the complication of the registration process for NGOs – isolate and disempower the population. At the same time, past developments can benefit civil resistance. Residents have fared best in their confrontations with the authorities where they have been able to make contacts, organise, and build communities in their Khrushchevkas and the courtyards connecting them. Both speakers agreed that Khrushchev’s housing policy brought about positive changes, even if the results seem unappealing from the outside. On the one hand, affordable housing became accessible to the masses – even if the extent of the state’s involvement in providing infrastructure remained controversial. On the other, this housing offered the war- and terror-ravaged Soviet population a safe refuge, which also served as the starting point for collective trade. Read more on Novastan: Talas and its people: life by a Central Asian river affected by climate change These developments from Central Asia provide some conclusions regarding socio-political disputes in Western metropolises, even though citizens in the West have greater opportunities for recourse through the state. According to David Leupold, the universality of the (construction) process can be assumed, as is proven not least by the Gropiusstadt housing estate in south-east Berlin. Moreover, it is true both of this and of other housing projects that the residents of such estates typically view them more positively than outsiders do. The prospects for successful resistance in heavily neoliberal cities, with their tendency towards segregation, are greater when the space to be defended has already been designed. Pure wastelands would have it harder. The following videos show the introductory lectures (in German) by David Leupold and Maria Petrova.

Kerstin Bischl Novastan.org

Translated from German by Lawrence Brown

Edited by Timur Khan

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Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan, was the first city in Central Asia to open a metro, back in Soviet times. The subway stations were very lavishly designed, similar to those in Moscow. One of the most beautiful stations is the Paxtakor stop in the heart of the city.

Credit: Balzhan & Axel Monse (Germany)

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Tashkent in Uzbekistan at -11°C. Credit : Saxon Bosworth (United Kingdom)

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Novastan wishes you a Happy New Year! The Chorzu Bazaar in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, is suitably decorated to celebrate the New Year.Credit: Yana Xarasho (Uzbekistan) Find all of our photos of the day here.

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The entrance hall at the South Station of the Uzbek capital Tashkent, which was built just a few years ago, mixes elements of Soviet and Islamic architecture. Credit : Justine Paci

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In Uzbekistan, the suburbs of Tashkent from the television tower. Credit: Hubert-Félix Delattre (France) Find all of our photos of the day here.

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