{"id":49451,"date":"2026-09-17T18:20:09","date_gmt":"2026-09-17T16:20:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/?p=49451"},"modified":"2026-09-17T18:29:37","modified_gmt":"2026-09-17T16:29:37","slug":"bruce-pannier-central-asia-media-russia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/kyrgyzstan\/bruce-pannier-central-asia-media-russia\/","title":{"rendered":"Bruce Pannier: \u201cCentral Asians never viewed their region as Russia\u2019s backyard\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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Bruce Pannier has watched Central Asia change for more than three decades – from the final years of the Soviet Union to a generation that no longer remembers it. In an interview with Novastan English Editor-in-Chief Mathieu Lemoine, the veteran journalist reflects on independent media, Russia\u2019s changing role, generational shifts, overlooked communities and what outsiders still misunderstand about Central Asia.<\/em>
<\/em><\/em>
In the summer of 1990, Bruce Pannier arrived at Tashkent State University. The Soviet Union still existed. Central Asia\u2019s five future independent states did not.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Friends in Jizzakh viloyat, June 12, 1982. Photo: Courtesy of Bruce Pannier. <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

More than three decades later, Pannier has become one of the most familiar English-language voices on Central Asia. At Radio Free Europe\/Radio Liberty (RFE\/RL), he co-created and co-hosted Majlis<\/em>, a podcast that brought together journalists, scholars and analysts to discuss developments across the region and, increasingly, to amplify perspectives from Central Asians themselves.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today, he is part of the team behind Turan, a project covering Central Asia and the wider Turkic world. In this interview with Novastan, Pannier looks back at more than three decades of reporting and reflects on the changing media landscape, the impact of the war in Ukraine, generational change, overlooked communities and a region that, in his view, is increasingly defining its future on its own terms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Novastan: You have been covering Central Asia for several decades. How did your interest in the region first begin?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bruce Pannier:<\/strong> I was learning Russian and doing Soviet Studies in college. But I suppose everything started with two books: Eastern Approaches<\/em> by Sir Fitzroy MacLean and Setting the East Ablaze<\/em> by Peter Hopkirk. That was in the early and mid-1980s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The leading American authority on Central Asia was Edward Allworth, who taught at Columbia University. I was fortunate to go and study under him. He loved Central Asia and, best of all, he knew thousands of years of the region\u2019s history. He treated the Soviet period as just another chapter in that history, so we never looked at Central Asia through a Russian or Soviet lens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Then I went to summer school at Tashkent State University in 1990, and I was completely hooked after that.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Were there particular places in Central Asia – a city, a region, a border area, a mountain landscape, a desert, a bazaar or an everyday encounter – that changed the way you understood the countries and societies you were covering?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many. I worked in villages in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in 1992 and 1993.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They all had similar lives, working on farms growing crops or herding animals, but there were different ways to do this work in every village and different attitudes about living and working in rural areas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I was amazed to find out how religious people remained there. I arrived in spring 1992 and, in one of the first villages I worked in, someone died. We all went to the very Muslim funeral, and almost everyone knew the prayers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I was doing sociological research and one of the questions I asked was: \u201cWhat building or facility would you like to see in your village?\u201d The answer every time – and I mean every time – was a mosque.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I certainly gained a new respect for herders. I was instructed to do what the people in the villages did. I especially disliked picking cotton, but taking a herd out to pasture was my type of work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

You have a few dogs, a stick to keep stragglers moving and a couple of rocks to throw in front of animals, usually sheep, that are moving too far ahead. You find a good grazing area and sit under a tree watching the animals eat. When it\u2019s time to go back, you round up the herd and head back to the village.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Batken, summer 1999, covering the insurgency of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. Photo: Courtesy of Bruce Pannier.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

If the job paid better, I would be doing it now.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of course, the inter-ethnic violence in Osh in June 2010 was a shock. I had thought, or at least hoped, that was all behind everyone.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Remember, I was at Tashkent State in summer 1990 when it happened before, though we couldn\u2019t get much information about what was going on. When I was in Osh and other parts of the Fergana Valley in 1992, the events of 1990 seemed very far away. People didn\u2019t talk about it much.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I would be remiss if I didn\u2019t mention the mountains. I love mountains and enjoyed the many times I was in the Central Asian mountains.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I liked doing the trip between Bishkek and Osh in a marshrutka just because of the views. The road was in terrible shape until the end of the 1990s, but it didn\u2019t matter to me when I was staring out of the window, or when we stopped along the road.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One time I was with a Kazakh friend in Shymbulak – then called Chimbulak. It\u2019s a good ski area now, and even in 1992 there was a ski lift there. There were no skiers, but I convinced one of the park rangers, for five dollars, to turn on the ski lift long enough to take my friend and me to the top.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I remember him saying, in Russian, \u201cFor God\u2019s sake, don\u2019t break anything.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We walked back down, and the view was magnificent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And obviously, the Silk Road cities were amazing. Samarkand looks so different now compared with the early 1990s, but even back then it had a charm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was not well tended, and the old buildings looked old and in need of repair, but it really made me appreciate how old they were. And since I worked in villages, I could imagine what it was like for a farmer or herder to visit one of the big and bustling cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When you first started following Central Asia, what did outside observers most often misunderstand about the region? Has that changed today?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Well, when I first started following Central Asia, there were not many outside observers. Some Western media outlets were having difficulties even spelling the names of the Central Asian countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Probably the biggest misconception was that the people in Central Asia had accepted that they were part of the Soviet Union. When I was at TashGU that summer, there were people from all over Central Asia studying there, and it was clear they regarded Russia as a colonizer that was pilfering the region\u2019s resources and trying to force them to become a \u201cSoviet man or woman.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That has clearly changed since the USSR collapsed. Since the Kremlin launched its full-scale war against Ukraine in February 2022, we have seen some lively discussions in Central Asia about colonization and exploitation under Tsarist and then Soviet rule. Even the leaderships of some Central Asian countries are calling it a dark period in the region\u2019s history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read more on Novastan<\/strong>: \u201cI only needed a passport\u201d : In Ukraine, Central Asian prisoners of wars caught between loyalty and regret<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Majlis<\/em> became one of the most recognizable English-language formats for discussing Central Asia. What was the original idea behind the podcast?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muhammad Tahir and I started Majlis<\/em> in 2014 in response to the increase in fighting in northern Afghanistan. Our first programme was about Turkmenistan being the Achilles heel of Central Asian security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We weren\u2019t sure then that we would ever do any more podcasts, but RFE\/RL management liked it, and I agreed there was a wide variety of topics beyond deteriorating security in northern Afghanistan that we could cover, starting with the great reporting RFE\/RL\u2019s Central Asian services were doing in local languages and Russian.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muhammad was something of a showman. He really embraced being the host, with me as the \u201cin-house\u201d RFE\/RL expert. Majlis<\/em> gave us a chance to show off our people in the Central Asian services and promote people outside RFE\/RL who had made, or were making, a name for themselves in the field of Central Asian affairs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Our guests really propelled the podcast forward, and I\u2019m glad to see so many of them are now leading scholars in the field of Central Asian studies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why was it important for Majlis<\/em> to include voices from Central Asia itself, and how did their perspectives shape the discussions?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There was often a difference in interpretations of events in Central Asia – sometimes large differences, but mostly nuances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Someone like me, who has studied the region, lived there briefly and travelled widely, came to different conclusions about what events in the region meant and where they were leading Central Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For about the first 20 years after independence, there were not many Central Asians who could articulate, in English, their views on the course of events. But when they started to appear, Muhammad and I were, firstly, very happy and, secondly, determined to give the voices of Central Asia – often people in their 20s and 30s – an opportunity to explain what was happening in their homelands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
With friends in Ashgabat, July 1992. Photo: Courtesy of Bruce Pannier. <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

It was possible to disagree with what some of the people from Central Asia said, but it was important to hear how they viewed the evolving world inside and outside Central Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the end, it\u2019s their story. I think it made for a better understanding of the region for people outside it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Were there episodes or discussions of Majlis<\/em> that particularly stayed with you because they captured a turning point in the region?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Several dealt with the deterioration of security in northern Afghanistan. Most of our guests on this topic were from Afghanistan and supporters of Ghani, or at least not supporters of the Taliban, or from Central Asia. The gradual depression with which they spoke about events unfolding in northern Afghanistan between 2014 and 2021 certainly caused me to consider more and more the possibility that the Taliban would reconquer Afghanistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Bruce Pannier and two Afghan friends at Bala Hissar in Kabul, January 2002. Photo: Courtesy of Bruce Pannier. <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Several of the podcasts we did about women\u2019s rights and gender-based violence were revealing, and I learned a lot, but I was troubled by some of the assessments given by guests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One that really moved me was the description Freedom for Eurasia founder Leila Seiitbek gave of how she was a victim of ala kachuu<\/em>, bride kidnapping, and escaped because she smoked a cigarette and her kidnapper\u2019s family rejected her as a forced bride.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How has reporting on Central Asia changed since the 1990s, especially in terms of access, sources and risks for local journalists?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When I started work for the Open Media Research Institute (OMRI) in March 1995, the internet was not much help. People at OMRI would give me photocopies of current articles from Central Asian newspapers. Sometimes I had access to the actual newspapers, though these were at least several days old and usually more like a week or two old.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Back in the 1990s, certainly in the early and middle 1990s, journalists and media outlets in Central Asia were freer to write about what they wanted, with the exception of Turkmenistan. Kazakhstan had a vibrant independent media scene, very much like the one developing in Kyrgyzstan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, journalists were pushing the limits of coverage on matters such as corruption, the deteriorating socio-economic situation, questionable state policies and other topics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This situation changed as governments faced increasing challenges and decided that some criticism might be valid, but that some outlets were reporting too much about problems. In Tajikistan\u2019s case, during the 1992-1997 civil war, this could be deadly, and more than a dozen journalists, foreign and local, were essentially assassinated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By the end of the 1990s, it was becoming more difficult for journalists in Uzbekistan to report freely on a wide range of topics. The government would find charges such as fraud or failure to pay taxes – something unrelated to journalism – to use against journalists who were exposing shortcomings in the country. This became a standard practice, and even President Islam Karimov\u2019s nephew, who was an independent journalist, was forcibly committed to a psychiatric hospital for his reporting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, journalists in each country understand where the boundaries in reporting are, and there is a lot of self-censorship being practised.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How would you describe the current generation of journalists in Central Asia compared with those reporting in the 1990s or 2000s?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I suppose the biggest difference is the range of media now available. Everything is on the web now. Back in the 1990s, outlets were confined to the basic three – television, radio and print media, what people now refer to as \u201ctraditional media.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was easier for governments to shut down independent outlets among these three, or pressure outlets that featured criticism of government policies. That made it very difficult for journalists at independent outlets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today, the same pressures still exist, but \u201cnon-traditional\u201d media are giving independent journalists opportunities they did not have in the past. That is why many of the best reports on Central Asia are coming from people with YouTube channels. Facebook and other social networks are also giving journalists – whether journalists by training or \u201ccitizen\u201d journalists – opportunities to speak about corruption and state mismanagement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I think the journalists in the 1990s and 2000s were just as brave and anxious to report the big news affecting their countries as journalists today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I would mention one development that showed me that, given the chance, good independent journalism could take root in any of the Central Asian countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When Shavkat Mirziyoyev became Uzbekistan\u2019s president in late 2016, he eased state control over the media and encouraged journalists to report on the important things happening in Uzbekistan. And they did. Given some space, journalists in Uzbekistan went right after corrupt officials and reported on other topics they would not have touched during the last decade or so of President Islam Karimov\u2019s rule.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In fact, it proved to be too candid, and Mirziyoyev\u2019s government had to rein in some of the coverage. But it showed the spirit of independent, objective journalism was still alive in Uzbekistan and that all it needed was an opportunity to blossom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Independent media now operate across very different spaces – inside the region, in exile and through social media, podcasts, YouTube and investigative platforms. Has this changed what independent journalism means in Central Asia?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Certainly. The role of \u201cnon-traditional\u201d media is becoming more important all the time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some of the cutting-edge criticism of policies or officials in Tajikistan or Uzbekistan has been coming from YouTube channels. This is true to a lesser extent, in my opinion, in the other three countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And, of course, the YouTube channels and websites such as Turkmen.news and Hronikatm.com dealing with Turkmenistan are all operating from outside the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Which independent media outlets or journalistic initiatives from Central Asia do you think deserve more international attention today?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Kazakhstan, Vlast.kz, Orda.kz and KazTAG come to mind as good independent media outlets that could use some international attention and, if possible, funding. Unfortunately, Orda.kz recently ceased operations after legal difficulties that included its chief editor being sentenced to eight years in prison. I\u2019m sure there are others, but those are three off the top of my head.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Kyrgyzstan, Kloop Media is currently banned from operating inside the country. Temirov Live has also done some great investigative reporting and was closed down. Kaktus Media is still working in Kyrgyzstan, but it is one of only a few independent media outlets left.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Central Asia Barometer was a great initiative that did some fantastic survey work. They had European funding. Unfortunately, they were pressured into stopping work. It would be great to find a way for them to resume operations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What I would like to see generally is some form of cooperation or organization that brings independent journalists from Europe and Central Asia together. I know Vlast.kz and Orda.kz have employed Europeans, and the results were notable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If it were possible to get funding for a media outlet covering EU-Central Asian cooperation, such as Global Gateway, and employing young European and Central Asian journalists, I think the results would be excellent and very enlightening.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What role have exile media, independent journalists and regional analysts played in keeping Central Asian stories visible internationally?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It varies from country to country. Independent journalists, including those working in non-traditional media, have been instrumental in calling out corrupt government officials who are then fired when authorities perceive the attention these reports are garnering nationally and, in some cases, internationally. I\u2019m thinking mainly about YouTube channels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Turkmenistan\u2019s case, exile media are almost the only source of objective news about what is happening inside the country. Obviously, RFE\/RL\u2019s Turkmen Service, Azatlyk, is an exception, but Turkmen.news and Hronikatm.com are essential sites for following events in Turkmenistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are some absolutely fantastic regional analysts, and since I am afraid I might forget someone, I will not list any names. So much of the best material appearing in English these days is being produced by Central Asians – and it is not translated into English; it is being written by them in English.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What can international media, donors and regional platforms do to support Central Asian journalists without distorting their priorities or making them more vulnerable?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is a tough question. On the one hand, international publicity provides some protection for journalists – and activists and politicians – in Central Asia, and often keeps them out of prison or at least pressures authorities into some leniency.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand, in the ever-changing world, it is impossible to stay focused on any one topic. When attention wanes, these journalists are vulnerable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

International publicity around a particular journalist can also make that person a special target of authorities who do not want independent journalists or media outlets. If they work for foreign media, such as RFE\/RL, governments can attack them as doing the bidding of their foreign paymaster.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The war in Ukraine has changed how many people in Europe and the United States look at Central Asia. What has it revealed about the region?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Deep-seated resentment against having been colonized, and growing efforts by many Central Asians and their governments to distance themselves from Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is particularly evident in the new security and defence partnerships the Central Asian states are forming with T\u00fcrkiye, first and foremost, but also with Azerbaijan and some of the Gulf states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Following on from that, I think Central Asians are understanding more and more that they do not need to depend on Russia, certainly not to the extent they did for the first 30 years after independence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Russia is a leading trade partner and will remain so for the foreseeable future, but it is now clear that there are other partners, and some have ethnic or religious ties to Central Asia that Russia does not have.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even if the war in Ukraine ends tomorrow, I don\u2019t think there\u2019s any way to go back to the status quo prior to February 2022.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read more on Novastan<\/strong>: Who Made the Nations of Central Asia?<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I still see articles that refer to Central Asia as Russia\u2019s \u201cbackyard.\u201d Central Asians never viewed it that way, and now they have less and less reason to accept such characterizations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Has the war accelerated a real diversification of Central Asia\u2019s foreign relations, or are we still overstating the change?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Accelerated. Definitely.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prior to February 2022, Russia and China were the dominant partners for trade, investment and security, including energy security. Everyone else was at best running a distant second.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read more on Novastan<\/strong>: Money, boxes and absent men: the hidden economy reshaping Central Asia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

China and Russia are still important partners for Central Asia, Russia perhaps less so now. But many countries have stepped up their interaction with Central Asia. The EU and the Gulf Arab states have all increased their roles in and importance for Central Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye and the Organization of Turkic States are also increasingly part of Central Asia\u2019s future. Azerbaijan\u2019s role in the OTS and as a key country in the Middle Corridor is bringing it closer to Central Asia, and in November 2025 there was even a \u201cC6\u201d meeting with the five Central Asian states and Azerbaijan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some people used to say Russia was the policeman and China the banker for Central Asia. Now the Central Asian states have options for both security and finance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What are the social changes in Central Asia that outsiders tend to miss because they focus too much on presidents and geopolitics?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The younger generation, people under 30 or 35 years old, is very tech-savvy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, and to a lesser degree Kyrgyzstan, are all moving forward quickly and modernizing everything from architecture to online documents and payments. These three countries are becoming modern states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Do you see a generational shift in Central Asia, especially among young people who no longer remember the Soviet Union?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Definitely, and it\u2019s not only that almost everyone under 35 or 40 has a mobile phone and knows how to use computers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For young people in the 1990s, it was often enough that their countries were independent. They remembered clearly what life was like as part of the Soviet Union and, even if socio-economic conditions were often not better, and at times perhaps even worse, they were independent and there was a feeling they were masters of their own destiny. Change could happen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The current generation wants to be masters of their own destiny but often views the entrenched leadership in their countries as the primary obstacle to positive transformation. There is scepticism among some young people that their governments are willing to make changes that benefit the younger generation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the Soviet days, there wasn\u2019t much people could do to change policies made in Moscow, but now they believe it is, or at least should be, possible to change policies in their own countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It must be frustrating for many younger people when they see their leaders cling to policies that benefit the regime, not the masses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Which communities, regions or issues within Central Asia remain most invisible in international coverage?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are many, but I\u2019m just going to mention the situations of the Karakalpaks in the Republic of Karakalpakstan in western Uzbekistan and the Ismailis in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast in eastern Tajikistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In both cases, the rights of minority groups are being trampled as the governments in those countries attempt to forcibly assimilate these people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I would also mention that the situation of ethnic minorities in Turkmenistan receives almost no attention – in fairness, because it is so difficult to obtain information.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Central Asia is still relatively little known in France and Europe. What stories would you recommend European-based media cover more often?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I think the obvious story is the Middle Corridor, or Trans-Caspian International Transport Route. People in Europe don\u2019t know much about their countries\u2019 trade with Central Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Austria, Germany, France, Italy, Romania and some other European countries are buying Kazakh oil, which is especially important now as EU countries try to stop buying Russian oil. France buys uranium from Kazakhstan, and other countries in Europe probably will as more nuclear power plants are built.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If you buy dried apricots or raisins in Poland, Germany, France, the UK or the Baltic countries, there is a good chance the dried fruit came from Uzbekistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many European travellers have gone to Central Asia. Marco Polo, of course, but more recently, in the 19th century, Arminius V\u00e1mb\u00e9ry from Hungary, Aurel Stein, also a Hungarian who became a British citizen, Sven Hedin from Sweden – and yes, I know about his later connection to Nazi Germany – the Frenchman Paul Pelliot, and others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Their stories are fascinating, and they are stories of Europeans in Central Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of course, there is always the ancient Silk Road that linked Europe to Central Asia long ago. The two regions have been in contact for a long time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Interestingly, although the climate and landscape are very different between the two regions, they are located roughly at the same latitudes, meaning if you travel straight west from Central Asia you end up in Europe, and vice versa going straight east from Europe, with only the Caucasus or southern Russia separating them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

You are now working on Turan, a project focused on Central Asia and the wider Turkic world. What are you hoping to bring to readers through it?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, there are a lot of stories about Central Asia that are under-reported or not reported at all by media outside the region. That has generally been true since the five countries became independent in late 1991.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, unfortunately, there is not much money for outlets and organizations in Europe that are interested in Central Asia. The most obvious example is Radio Free Europe\/Radio Liberty, which has been forced to drastically reduce its coverage of Central Asia due to budget cuts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Turan hopes to fill that void to some extent and bring Central Asia\u2019s stories to an audience on YouTube – and not only Central Asia\u2019s stories, but those from more broadly across the Caspian, including T\u00fcrkiye and Iran.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Turan Research Center is part of the Yorktown Institute, so the coverage style leans towards that of a think tank. I think that\u2019s noticeable from the topics and the language used. Many of the reports are based on articles written for the Turan Research Center.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I am not running the channel. I\u2019m just a member of the team. The driving forces are the chief editor and the people doing the graphics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What advice would you give to a relatively small independent media outlet like Novastan trying to cover Central Asia seriously?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I think Novastan is doing a great job, especially with covering youth culture. I like that Novastan covers niche topics like the French-Uzbek theatre presentation, as well as big stories such as the shrinking Caspian or the lexicon of Kazakh decolonization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The photographs of scenes from everyday life in Central Asia are excellent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many – all? – of your writers have travelled or lived in Central Asia, and it shows in the coverage and choice of topics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I think advertising is the biggest drawback for Novastan, but again, many organizations are facing this problem. Advertising requires money and a social media team.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The material is there, and in English, French and German. The problem is getting enough people to see it and recommend it, so that it comes to the attention of a wider audience.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For a European outlet like Novastan, what is the best way to work with Central Asian journalists – not only by quoting them as sources, but by building real editorial partnerships and giving their perspectives more visibility?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One possibility is offering Central Asian journalists, including those working for state media, an opportunity to write for European outlets. It would likely require translation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And the matter of payment could be complicated, since it could lead to accusations of them being funded, and therefore influenced, by foreign sources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But if some Central Asian journalists were willing to write without expecting remuneration, simply for the exposure in Europe and a chance to boost their credentials and CVs, it would solve that problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the case of journalists writing for state media, they could present the state version of events. Agree or disagree, it is a view that needs to be taken into consideration when assessing the situation in Central Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After all these years covering Central Asia, what still surprises you about the region?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are always surprises. For me personally, the biggest surprise – and it is a happy one – is seeing the five countries getting along so well.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I travelled through Central Asia quite a bit, especially in the 1990s. I was in every country and listened to what people said about the neighbouring countries. A lot of it was negative, which was really strange to me, since when I was in summer school in Tashkent in 1990 there were people from all over Central Asia, many different ethnicities, and they all agreed that Moscow, the Soviet government, was exploiting them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There was a sort of equality, a kinship that formed between the peoples of the different Central Asian Soviet republics, a quiet mutual agreement that they were all being neglected and mistreated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But once they were independent, there were some cruel comments about the neighbours and other indigenous ethnic groups. And, of course, the worst expression of this was in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2010.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I was there, mostly in Osh, speaking to people from every side, and it was often chilling and always extremely disappointing and sad to hear what so many people were saying at that time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That situation is at least becoming better now. That sense of brotherhood and common cause I heard in talks with groups of Central Asians at Tashkent State in 1990 is returning, though now the Central Asians are stronger, no longer victims of a colonizer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Central Asia is still often covered internationally through politics, security and geopolitics. Which authors, musicians, filmmakers, photographers, artists or cultural works from the region would you recommend to readers who want to understand Central Asia differently?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This would also be a very long list, and I worry about leaving somebody out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For material in English, and often in Russian, some of the authors I would recommend are Temur Umarov, Assel Tutumlu, Diana Kudaibergen and Asel Doolotkeldieva, just to name a few. There are obviously dozens more.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

You can find the work of Central Asian scholars on several Western websites, and I will just mention the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Oxus Society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I will say it\u2019s worth looking at the media outlets in all five Central Asian countries as much as possible. Even state media and the journalists working for these outlets are worth following, even in places like Turkmenistan where almost every article mentions \u201cHero Arkadag.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is one side of the story, the side the governments tell their people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are many good journalists and outlets outside Central Asia that do fantastic jobs keeping track of events in the region or posting photos of life there that convey to people what it\u2019s like to be there, what you see in front of your face.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When I was working there in the 1990s, hardly any people from the West were going there, so nobody knew much about it. Now there are many people writing about Central Asia who have travelled extensively there, spent a lot of time in one or several places, or have just been following events and writing about them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The level of knowledge is so much higher than it was. It makes me smile all the time to see how many great people are sharing their deep knowledge and experiences of Central Asia with the rest of the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I am not familiar with contemporary filmmakers and musicians, so I really couldn\u2019t say much about them. I would recommend watching the movies Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan are making about their history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is important to see how their forefathers are portrayed and think about the effects that has on the people living in these countries today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By Mathieu Lemoine, Editor-in-Chief for Novastan-English.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

From photocopied Central Asian newspapers in the 1990s to YouTube investigations and exile media today, Bruce Pannier traces how journalism in the region has changed – and why independent voices remain essential.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":358,"featured_media":49568,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[4939,4,3,4668,6,7,5],"tags":[5046,4087,5047,470,2578,5048,3979,691,3974],"coauthors":[358],"class_list":["post-49451","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-interview","category-kazakhstan","category-kyrgyzstan","category-society","category-tajikistan","category-turkmenistan","category-uzbekistan","tag-bruce-pannier","tag-central-asia","tag-independent-media","tag-kazakhstan","tag-kyrgyzstan","tag-rfe-rl","tag-tajikistan","tag-turkmenistan-2","tag-uzbekistan"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/49451","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/358"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=49451"}],"version-history":[{"count":8,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/49451\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":49595,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/49451\/revisions\/49595"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/49568"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=49451"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=49451"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=49451"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/novastan.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=49451"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}