A school class is training for the Victory Day parade at the Lenin monument in Bishkek.

Credits: Balzhan & Axel Monse (@infoshymkent, Germany)

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The post Memory in Uniform appeared first on Novastan English.

Similar to last year, May 9 in Kazakhstan is overshadowed by Russia’s war in Ukraine. Military parades have been cancelled, once again. Instead, this year’s Victory Day will mainly be a day to remember Kazakhstan’s own participation in the Second World War. 

For the fifth year in a row, there will be no military parade in May – neither on Defender of the Fatherland Day on 7 May, nor on Victory Day on 9 May, when the end of the Second World War is commemorated in parts of the former Soviet Union. Official sources cite budget cuts as the main reason.

However, May 9 remains a public holiday. Instead of a parade, the Kazakh Ministry of Defence plans to hold “military-patriotic events” to honour individual members of the armed forces. Kazakh soldiers killed in the war will be commemorated in the media and at public events.

In the context of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine, Victory Day has become increasingly politicised, as the memory of the Second World War is heavily instrumentalised by the Kremlin. As a result, attention has shifted to Kazakhstan’s own commemoration of its participation in the war.

Friend, foe, or neighbour?

Last April, when the Kazakh Ministry of Defence announced that there would be no military parades in May, Russian TV host and propagandist Tigran Keosayan condemned the “Kazakh brothers” for being “ungrateful”.

“We understand that this is not about money. Right now, celebrating Victory Day is a ‘friend-foe’ recognition sign,” Keosayan said in a video on his YouTube channel. He reminded his viewers of Russia’s “gratuitous help” to “save your power in Kazakhstan and end your chaos”, referring to the deployment of Collective Security Treaty Organisation troops in Kazakhstan to quell the protests of January 2022. In response to his thinly veiled threats, Kazakhstan’s foreign ministry declared Keosayan an undesirable person.

Read more on Novastan: “An escalating manifestation of Russophobia” – Kazakhstan at the epicentre of an information war

Many Kazakhstanis, including politicians, supported this decision. “We side with countries that believe that Russia is an aggressor against Ukraine. We are not your little brother, not a brotherly nation. We are neighbours. Neighbours should respect each other. If you don’t respect us, we won’t respect you,” replied blogger and activist Togzhan Qoyaliyeva in a video message.

Saving money or ones image?

In fact, Kazakhstan has held only two military parades in 32 years of independence, in 2013 and 2018. “The cost savings are a formal excuse that does not generate additional controversy,” political scientist Gaziz Abishev tells Novastan. In relation to the overall budget, he says, the savings are not all that significant. As Defence Minister Ruslan Jaqsylyqov told the local branch of the Russian medium Sputnik, one parade costs about 4 billion tenge, or just over 8 million euros.

“We believe that in this situation […] it is best to deal with combat readiness and training of the armed forces,” he said. A statement that, according to Abishev, does not, however, indicate the preparation of actual military actions. 

“Kazakhstan can rightfully call itself the victorious country of the Great Patriotic War and World War II. In 2023 (as well as in 2022), a military parade on May 9 […] against the backdrop of a bloody war between the two largest ethnic groups that won the war on the side of the Soviet Union can be considered inappropriate sabre-rattling,” Abishev explained on his Telegram channel. “The cancellation of the military parade is a kind of gesture of pacifism, a sign of protest against the war between [two of] the victorious nations.”

Read more on Novastan: Kazakhstan’s gradual divorce from Russia

At the same time, he added that the cancellation of the military parades does not mean that the holiday itself will be cancelled. Kazakhstan continues to cooperate with Moscow within the frameworks of the Eurasian Union and CSTO. In doing so, Astana strives towards breaking down trade barriers while aiding Russian businesses to circumvent sanctions. However, Kazakhstan is well aware of the risk of secondary sanctions by the West. That is why at the same time, the authorities try to distance themselves from the Kremlin, Abishev explained when asked by Novastan.

Supporting veterans

An integral part of Victory Day celebrations in many post-Soviet countries is honouring veterans. Between 1941 and 1945, more than 1.2 million Kazakhstanis were summoned to the front. Today there are only 222 war veterans alive, as well as 60 106 citizens who contributed to the victory in the Great Patriotic War, according to the news portal inform.kz.

Every year, the state increases veterans’ pensions and other social benefits, and pays a special allowance on Victory Day. This year, each war veteran is to receive no less than 1.5 million tenge (about 3 000 euros) from the state. Compared to other Central Asian countries, Kazakhstan offers the largest financial support for veterans.

In recent years, the so-called “Immortal Regiment” has become an integral part of Victory Day celebrations in Russia. This year, however, the event will be held in a different format because of security reasons, a co-organiser said. For instance, you can pin a veteran’s portrait on your car or on clothes. You could also change your avatar on your social networks, as well as tell friends and acquaintances about your heroes instead of bringing their photos on signboards to a march.

The Russian House in Almaty, one of the representative offices of the Russian International Cooperation Agency Rossotrudnichestvo, will also hold an “Immortal Regiment” rally online. Anyone can send information about “heroes” from their family to the Russian House email address by May 6, which will then publish the information via its social media on May 9.

Last year, the Kazakh government officially banned the “Immortal Regiment” march and proposed an online event instead. Representatives of veterans’ organisations proposed an analogous form of rally: “Batyrlarǵa taǵzym” (Kazakh for Bowing to the Heroes), carrying portraits of Kazakh war veterans. This initiative was immediately approved by the authorities.

This year, an online event called “Er esimi – el esinde” (Kazakh for: “The name of the hero in the nation’s memory”) was held. Kazakhstanis can share information about their ancestors who died in the Great Patriotic War and their heroic deeds on a specially created internet platform.

“Admittedly, the traditional form of the rally has always been fraught with certain risks for public safety,” said Murat Abdushkurov, chairman of the Almaty public association “Union of Veterans of the Afghanistan War”, at a press conference. In addition, street blockades in the centre of Almaty would cause inconvenience to residents.

A day of mourning and remembrance

Asem Zhapisheva, journalist and activist in the opposition movement “Oyan, Qazaqstan!” (Kazakh for: “Kazakhstan, wake up!”) is content with the government’s decision to scrap the parade for the fifth year in a row. “This is a very good decision, because the cult of militarism does not lead to anything good. Kazakhstan, with its multivectoral foreign policy, has no reason to show its teeth to the world, especially since we don’t have a big army either,” Zhapisheva said. “Victory Day should be celebrated as a day of mourning, a day of remembrance. War is not only about the dead soldiers, but also about the people who lost their loved ones and the people who lost their health on the labour front.”

Regarding the “Immortal Regiment”, the journalist commented that the Russian state had monopolised a seemingly good, private initiative and made it part of its propaganda machine in an endless war with the “West”. The “Batyrlarǵa taǵzym” action was also not unproblematic in that sense.

“Even when public associations act as organisers, it is still a state mandate, a lack of imagination. Our officials are constantly copying Russian decisions, from laws to public rallies. I believe that we should be independent of Russia. If it wasn’t copied by the Russian colleagues, I wouldn’t have any complaints,” Japisheva said.

For more news and analysis from Central Asia, follow us on Twitter, Facebook, Telegram, Linkedin or Instagram.

Written by Aizere Mailaisarova
From Almaty for Novastan.org

Translated by Anna Wilhelmi

Edited by Julian Postulart

The post Kazakhstan: commemorating Victory Day without military parade appeared first on Novastan English.

Russian president Vladimir Putin has invited his counterparts from Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan to attend the annual Victory Day celebrations in Moscow on May 9. The occasion marks the first time the Central Asian presidents will meet Putin after the latter’s indictment by the International Criminal Court.

On April 25, the office of the Kyrgyz president issued a press release stating that Kyrgyzstan’s Sadyr Japarov would attend the annual military parade on Red Square on May 9 as a “guest of honour”. Several days later, on May 5, Putin also invited Tajikistan’s Emomali Rahmon to Moscow.

The day before the parade, on May 8, a rapid fire of invitations sent the presidents of Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan all flying to Russia. It will be the first time in years that all five Central Asian presidents will take part in the Victory Day celebrations.

Since the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin has paid significantly more attention to Central Asia. In 2022 alone, Putin visited all five countries in the region – something that had not happened in a long time. While the Russian president is increasingly cornered internationally, Moscow clearly holds on tight to its few remaining allies.

Yet, this will be the first time for Central Asian leaders that they share the stage with the Russian president after he was charged with war crimes.

A wanted man

Recently, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for the Russian president on allegations relating to the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children from occupied areas to Russia.

Last week, South African authorities warned that Putin risks being arrested during the upcoming BRICS summit in August, should the Russian president decide to make an appearance. South Africa has ratified the founding treaty of the ICC and hence obligated to act should Putin set foot in the country.

In Central Asia, Tajikistan is the only state party to the treaty and thus – in theory – bound to cooperate with the Court. Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan both signed the treaty some twenty years ago, but have so far failed to ratify it. By contrast, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are non-signatory states. Hence, should the Russian president decide to visit the region, as he did so often last year, chances of Central Asian authorities refusing Putin entry because of the arrest warrant are slim.

An offer one can’t refuse

In many ways, Central Asia still is highly dependent on Russia. According to political analyst Arkady Dubnov, who was interviewed by Kyrgyz news outlet Kloop about the Kremlin’s invitation to Japarov, Bishkek had no choice but to accept.

Kyrgyzstan still has deep economic ties with Russia. Although China is making significant inroads in Central Asia as part of its Belt and Road Initiative, Russia remains incredibly important in terms of trade and remittances.

Read more on Novastan: Effects of sanctions on Russia strongly felt in Dushanbe

The most recent data from the World Bank show that over 30 percent of Kyrgyz GDP consists of remittances. 97 percent of these remittances are sent by Kyrgyz migrants working in Russia. Hence, it is safe to say that economic ties with Russia are highly asymmetrical and Moscow is well aware of this.

In the case of Tajikistan, economic dependence on Russia is just as significant. As Tajik news media Asia Plus reported that last year, remittances from Russia reached a record high. Russian authorities also registered a post-pandemic spike in migrant inflow. In 2022, nearly one million people from Tajikistan travelled to Russia for work.

Central Asia as a sanctions loophole

The war in Ukraine, however, has somewhat tilted the balance in favour of Central Asian economies. Countries such as Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have transformed into important hubs for reexporting goods to Russia.

Radio Azattyk, the Kyrgyz service of Radio Liberty that was recently forced to shut down, interviewed Temir Shabdanaliev, head of a Kyrgyz lobbying group, about this trend. He explained: “If goods from Europe were previously sent to Russia, now they are registered as deliveries to Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. But as soon as they are unloaded here, they are immediately taken to Russia.“

As a result, trade to and from Central Asia has boomed since the start of western sanctions. In Kyrgyzstan, there has been a remarkable uptick in trade of “shampoo, toothpicks, soap, and car parts”, according to RFE/RL.

Read more on Novastan: Turkey continues exporting drones to Central Asia

Relevant authorities in Tajikistan also signalled an increase in trade with Russia. Last year Tajik authorities were even accused of supplying Moscow with Iranian-designed drones for its war in Ukraine. These accusations were based on a recent deal Dushanbe signed with Tehran to produce drones under license in Tajikistan. However, US-based magazine The Diplomat found no visual evidence to support claims that Tajik-manufactured drones were roaming Ukrainian skies.

Risky business

But there is a certain risk in reexporting goods to Russia. The EU has warned the Central Asian republics that it could impose secondary sanctions on businesses helping Russia dodge sanctions.

For countries like Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, there is little room for manoeuvre. Economic dependence on Russia often outweighs western pressure. However, the invasion of Ukraine has made many in Central Asia aware of existing neo-colonial power relations.

Several weeks ago, Eurasianet reported about a Russian ban on the import of Kyrgyz dairy products after Bishkek moved to adopt a law to promote the Kyrgyz language. The Kremlin sees this development as an attempt to curb its cultural influence in Central Asia.

Patronage to Putin

May 9 is yet another important reminder of the region’s colonial past. That is why over the past decades, most Central Asian countries have gradually said goodbye to Soviet-imposed Victory Day. 

In Kazakhstan, military parades have been scrapped “to maintain the required level of combat readiness”, press agency Kazinform reported. In Turkmenistan, May 9 has not been a public holiday since 2018. Victory Day in Uzbekistan has been transformed into a ‘Day of Remembrance and Honour,’ emphasizing commemoration over military pomp.

Read more on Novastan: Kazakhstan: commemorating Victory Day without military parade

Although Victory Day in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan still bears significant resemblance to the Soviet era, times are changing there as well. In many places, celebrations are scaled down or rescheduled to both countries’ respective independence days. Owing to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, this process will likely accelerate.

Yet, nation-building and symbolism remain subject to real-world constraints. As long as economic dependence continues, regional leaders have no option but to pay patronage to where the money comes from: Putin’s Russia.

Correction: in an earlier version of this article it was stated that Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan are parties to the ICC. Although the two countries have signed the founding treaty of the ICC, both have failed to ratify it as of yet. Hence, neither Tashkent nor Bishkek is legally obligated to cooperate with the Court.

For more news and analysis from Central Asia, follow us on Twitter, Facebook, Telegram, Linkedin or Instagram.

Written by Julian Postulart

The post Central Asian presidents invited to attend Russian Victory Day Parade appeared first on Novastan English.