Over the past six weeks, hundreds of thousands of viewers have tuned in to Dutch public broadcaster VPRO to watch the new docuseries “Along the new Silk Road”. For most people in the Netherlands, this show is their first introduction to Central Asia. But as its title suggests, the documentary is dotted with orientalist stereotypes about the region. A critical review of a missed opportunity.

The opinions expressed in this review are those of the author.  

Since its first broadcast on public television, the Dutch docuseries “Along the new Silk Road” has attracted hundreds of thousands of viewers. So far, this six-part series has averaged over one million people per episode. Even for a primetime show in the Netherlands, these numbers are impressive. 

Most notably, on Sunday March 19, the series’ third episode attracted more viewers than the paid-only live coverage of the Ajax-Feyenoord match – the country’s main football rivalry. 

The show is presented by two popular Dutch documentary makers: Ruben Terlou and Jelle Brandt Corstius. Both have made successful docuseries in the past. Whereas Terlou has had a lifelong passion for China as a photographer and speaks Mandarin fluently, Brandt Corstius is a former Russia correspondent for a Dutch quality newspaper. 

Central Asia as terra incognita

Interestingly, neither Terlou nor Brandt Corstius are experts on Central Asia. Brandt Corstius acknowledges this by stating that he only knows the region insofar as “it was part of the Soviet Union”. Terlou admits that he “always dreamt of following the magical Silk Road”. During his time in China, he saw the growing importance of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. 

Read more on Novastan: China in Central Asia: Fact-checking and myth-busting

Considering both presenters’ respective backgrounds, it comes as no surprise that “Along the new Silk Road” is not a documentary about Central Asia. Instead, the series tells a story of foreign influence, competing interests and geopolitical rivalry. This Great Game-like narrative reduces the region to little more than a great powers playground. 

By depicting Central Asia as some sort of mysterious terra incognita, “Along the new Silk Road” cannily taps into pre-existing orientalist ideas about Central Asia in the Netherlands. Often these depictions are based on stereotypical and colonialist perspectives of eastern cultures, framing them “as extremely different and inferior, and therefore in need of Western intervention or ‘rescue’”. 

Orientalism, voyeurism and white saviourism

In “Along the new Silk Road”, orientalism often takes the form of voyeurism. For example, when discussing bride kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan, the makers’ intentions of doing so remain unclear, other than illustrating the backwardness of such practices. 

Even worse is that by discussing such controversial and complex topics without providing any context, the documentary makers parasitise on the victims’ grief to imbue their audience with a sense of white saviourism. It is not difficult to see that such manifestations of orientalism help justify (neo)colonialism. 

But the most obvious orientalist reference is undoubtedly the series’ title. This cliché choice alludes to the image of exotic caravans traversing inhospitable deserts and high mountain passes. This imagined geography of Central Asia degrades the region to a simple trading corridor, rather than a place of interest in its own right – a criticism that has prevented some experts from using the concept of “Silk Road” altogether.  

The role of Dutch and Western media

But the series’ presenters are not the only ones to be blamed for this orientalist misrepresentation. In part, producer VPRO simply caters to the limited knowledge on Central Asia in Western Europe in general. 

Most people in the Netherlands would likely have a hard time pinpointing Central Asia on a map, let alone identify individual countries. For those who can, the region is often little more than a far-away, post-Soviet wasteland ruled by despotic presidents. 

Dutch media, like most other news outlets, have contributed to creating this image. Current affairs in Central Asia were long covered by correspondents based in Russia, the region’s former coloniser. For most media outlets, this was standard operating procedure until the start of Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Yet, as the war escalated, many Western journalists were forced to leave Moscow.

Read more on Novastan: Kazakhstan’s gradual divorce from Russia

This exodus freed up resources to report on the wider implications of Russia’s war in Ukraine. Dutch media have paid considerable attention to the recent geopolitical repositioning of former Russian colonies, such as in Kazakhstan. And interest in the region is not only limited to so-called high politics. 

The colonised versus the coloniser

“Along the new Silk Road”’ also features various human interest stories. Brandt Corstius, for example, interviews a Kyrgyz woman about the declining popularity of the Russian language in her country and the revival of nomadic traditions. 

In Pavlodar, Brandt Corstius’ ends up in a hipster bar to talk with progressive Kazakh youth about the sudden influx of Russian draft evaders. These stories definitely deserve praise, as they help empower local narratives about the quest for (national) identity.  

But too often, the documentary makers frame these storylines to fit within their geopolitical grand scheme of things. A clear example of this is Terlou’s poignant interview with several Kazakh women who were imprisoned in China’s internment camps in Xinjiang, or had family members taken from them. 

Read more on Novastan: Escape from Xinjiang – stories from those who fled the camps

One by one, these women’s accounts are chilling. It is impossible not to be moved by their stories of torture and forced abortion. But after the conversation has come to an emotional climax, the camera pans to Terlou who is sobbing quietly in a corner of the kitchen. Later, in a phone call with Brandt Corstius, Terlou describes that hearing the stories of the Kazakh women felt “as if going through a break-up” with his beloved China. 

Decolonising a documentary

It is commendable that Dutch public broadcasting was willing to fund this documentary. After all, the show helped introduce hundreds of thousands of people to Central Asia, many of whom had never heard about the region before.

Yet, in “Along the new Silk Road”, Central Asia appears to be little more than an endless procession of postcolonial pain and misery. Although decisions made in Moscow and Beijing still resonate in Central Asia, regional political leadership has far more agency over the geopolitical course of their respective countries than the documentary portrays. And more importantly, the people in the region have their own histories, cultures and ideas about the future. 

Only when Western media acknowledge these unique identities, it is possible to move away from lingering orientalist views of Central Asia and – hopefully – start making documentaries the region deserves. 

Written by Julian Postulart

For more news and analysis from Central Asia, follow us on Twitter, Facebook, Telegram, Linkedin or Instagram.

The post Orientalism revisited – a very Dutch introduction to Central Asia appeared first on Novastan English.

In Central Asia, the beginning of spring is traditionally marked by Nowruz, also known as ‘Persian New Year.’ Typical holiday celebrations include horse games, family visits, and large feasts. But Nowruz is not only fun and games. As political leaders seek to break with their countries’ colonial past, Nowruz remains a popular tool in the quest for regional identity.

A faint smell of grass in the air, blue skies yet barren trees. In the outskirts of Bishkek, hundreds of supporters cheer as twenty-some men on horseback compete over a goat carcass. The date is March 21, and it is the first day of spring, an occasion that is marked by a region-wide holiday known as Nowruz. But not all Nowruz celebrations are as spectacular as the traditional polo-like horse game Kok Boru played at the Bishkek hippodrome.

The lead up to Nowruz is possibly just as important as the holiday itself. Regional differences aside, most people in Central Asia start preparing for Nowruz with a spring cleaning of their homes. Others repay their debts or reconcile with enemies to start the new year with a clean slate. On Nowruz itself, the day of the spring equinox, people dress up and spend time with family, friends or neighbours. Food and drinks are especially important and, in most countries, a centuries-old tradition prescribes that ‘sumalak’ is made. This incredibly sweet dessert is made from sprouted wheat.

The Zoroastrian roots of Nowruz

But enough with the customs and traditions – Nowruz is not only fun and games. This holiday has a political element to it as well. In the past, different rulers and colonisers have tried to suppress Nowruz. To explore the modern-day politics of Nowruz, it is essential to delve deeper into its history. Nowruz is also called ‘Persian New Year,’ a name that reveals this holiday’s Iranian roots. Although the exact origin story of Nowruz remains shrouded in mystery, most historians agree that Zoroastrianism was the driving force behind it.

Zoroastrianism is the world’s oldest monotheistic religion and is based on the teachings of Zoroaster, an Iranian prophet. Central to this religion is the battle between Good and Evil, often framed in terms of light and darkness. In this regard, it is clear to see why Nowruz is so important to Zoroastrians, as the arrival of spring generally brings warmer weather and longer days. The Zoroastrian roots of Nowruz also explain the holiday’s popularity in Central Asia. Many experts claim that Zoroaster, the religion’s founder, was a native speaker of Avestan. This Persian dialect was predominant in an area stretching from eastern Iran to Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. In short, Zoroastrianism, with all its customs and traditions, has ancient roots in Central Asia and might even have originated there.

A quintessential Central Asian holiday

Yet, contemporary Nowruz celebrations in Central Asia are not the same as they were thousands of years ago. They have been shaped by the unique geography of the region, as well as the peoples that came to inhabit Central Asia as the result of migration, invasion and (forced) assimilation. Historically, Nowruz has been associated with Greater Iran. Since antiquity, cities like Samarkand and Bukhara had been important centres of Persian culture and language. Until this day, a majority of the people living in these two cities still speak the Tajik dialect of the Persian language. But with the Muslim conquest of Central Asia and the influx of Turkic and Mongol tribes from the north, this Persian cultural dominance started to wane.

Read more on Novastan: Four Central Asian cultural practices newly inscribed on UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage List

With new rulers came new cultural influences. Some of these conquerors initially tried to suppress local customs and traditions like Nowruz. But neither Muslim leaders nor Turco-Mongol warlords such as Timur succeeded in abolishing ‘Persian New Year’. Instead, they embarked on a more successful approach of co-adaptation by integrating some of their own folklore into already existing cultural practices. That is why today, Nowruz in Central Asia is characterised by both nomadic traditions, such as Kok Boru, and Persian influences like the drinking of sumalak.

Colonisation and suppression

When the Russian imperial armies came to colonise Central Asia in the late 19th century, however, things changed. In modern-day Uzbekistan, the Russians had left the Emir of Bukhara as a local figurehead. To save face and strengthen his political legitimacy, the annual Nowruz celebrations were an excellent opportunity to show off. The emir even invited circus artists from European Russia to perform. But among the local population, popularity of Nowruz decreased. When the Soviets took over and annexed Central Asia after the Russian civil war, this trend continued. In the cities, Soviet engineers and urban planners redesigned public space, destroying centuries-old neighbourhoods in the process. This severely affected the social fabric of towns and cities throughout the region, hampering holiday preparations.

Read more on Novastan: “Hymns of Blood” – Tajik short stories from Perestroika

Moreover, during Soviet times, Nowruz was banned for years as it was seen as a religious holiday. Only after Soviet orientalists and ethnologists reframed it as pre-Islamic, celebrations were allowed once again. Especially since the collapse of the USSR, the popularity of Nowruz has increased spectacularly.

Nowruz as a political tool

Historically, Nowruz in Central Asia has always been subject to the political whims of local rulers. In the present day, this is no different. Nowruz encapsulates Central Asian histories, cultures, and geography. Hence, holidays like these can be instrumentalised by politicians and others who seek to break with the legacy of the Soviet-colonial past in a quest for regional and national identity. During the rule of late president Islam Karimov in Uzbekistan, for example, some government officials favoured Nowruz over Gregorian New Year. They even “issued instructions to stop holding end-of-year parties.” Holidays other than Nowruz were deemed “contrary to Uzbek culture.” Only after Karimov died and his successor President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took over in 2016, bans and constraints on celebrating Western-style New Year were relaxed.

Read more on Novastan: Central Asia and Russia: an ever-changing relationship

In Kazakhstan too, political leadership has rediscovered Nowruz as a way to strengthen legitimacy. In a move reminiscent of the Emir of Bukhara, current president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has proposed several reforms with regard to Nowruz. These reforms include extending the national holiday to a whopping ten days instead of the usual four, as well as a proposal to deepen Nowruz’s spiritual and moral meaning. In 2022, Tokayev was re-elected president amid hopes and promises of political and societal reform. Some analysts argue that his plans are an attempt to break with the legacy of Tokayev’s predecessor, Nursultan Nazarbayev. But the low turnout of the recent parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, just before Nowruz, illustrate that initial enthusiasm about reforms has somewhat subsided.

With deep historical roots in Central Asia, however, Nowruz is likely to remain a popular tool for identity politics as national leaders seek to navigate the future by cherry-picking from the region’s pre-colonial past.

Written by Julian Postulart

For more news and analysis from Central Asia, follow us on Twitter, Facebook, Telegram, Linkedin or Instagram.

The post Beyond fun and games – the politics of Nowruz appeared first on Novastan English.